kanjisense

A rough guide to Middle Chinese pronunciation

The truth is that no one knows exactly how Middle Chinese used to sound. That's why, throughout Kanjisense, I've presented Middle Chinese readings using a notation meant only to give you a rough picture of their pronunciation.

The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) would have afforded more precision, but a rough picture like this does a better job at reflecting the actual state of our knowledge. Many different scholars have come up with many different ways of depicting Middle Chinese sounds using the IPA, and all these reconstructions are fraught with controversy. It would be impossible for me to choose one scholar's reconstruction without forcing the users of this dictionary to confront all sorts contentious details of Middle Chinese phonology, which, in all likelihood, they're probably not interested in.

But in case you actually are interested in those contentious details, here's a rundown of what all these symbols actually represent, using the sounds of English and Japanese as a reference point.

Initial consonants

Despite the many unknowns of Middle Chinese pronunciation, we do happen to know quite a lot about the consonants of Middle Chinese. That makes them a good starting point as any for talking about Middle Chinese sounds.

These consonants were actually documented in detail by scholars in premodern China, and even given names. Technically speaking, the names here apply to initials, meaning syllable onsets, and not consonants in general. But since only a small handful of consonants can appear at the end of a syllable in Chinese, we will cover all the most important ground in our discussion of initials.

Initial consonants like English

Most consonant letters used in this notation represent sounds that are roughly equivalent to common English sounds, as far as we know. The symbols in [] brackets enclose scholars' reconstructions, in the International Phonetic Alphabet. For a chart of IPA symbols with sound recordings, you can visit the International Phonetic Association website.

namesymbolpronunciation
滂 pʻang[] as in pool. The ʻ marks aspiration. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to an [f] sound before certain vowels.
並 bengˬb[b] as in big. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, and shifted closer to an [f] sound before certain vowels.
明 mẹngm[m] as in much. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to a [b] soundor a [ʋ] sound , depending on the following vowel.
透 tʻouˎ[] as in talk, or more precisely, like Hindi hathi or Mandarin tòu. The ʻ marks aspiration.
定 dengˎd[d] as in dog, or more precisely, like Spanish anda. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [t] or [].
泥 neiˎn[n] as in noodle, or more precisely, like Spanish anda or Mandarin nì. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to a [d] sound in some contexts.
心 sims[s] as in song.
邪 zyạz[z] as in zoo. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [s] or [].
溪 kʻei[] as in kite. The ʻ marks aspiration.
群 gung[ɡ] as in go, NOT as in gem. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [k] or [].
來 lail[l] as in lion.
喻 yuˎy[j] as in yes. When this letter appears after another initial consonant letter, it technically constitutes part of the word's vowel.
喻 yuˎw[w] as in win. This may have technically constituted part of a vowel sound, but regardless, where w is written here at the start of a word, it denotes a sound very much the same as the English consonant W. However, especially before sounds written here with I and E (denoting front vowels), it may have been fronted like the hu of French huit, yu of Mandarin yuán, or the German Ü. Some scholars have attributed to this sound a pharyngeal or glottal quality, something like [ɦ], a sort of breathy H-sound.
Initial consonants like English non-initial consonants

Some consonants that only appear in the middle or at the end of utterances in English could appear at the start of words in Middle Chinese.

namesymbolpronunciation
疑 nging[ŋ] as in singer. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to a [g] sound, in some contexts.
幫 pang
端 twan
見 kenˎ
p
t
k
[p] as in spoon.. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to an [f] sound before certain vowels.
[t] as in stop, or more precisely, like Hindi tabla, Spanish tu or Mandarin duān.
[k] as in skunk.
In other words, these consonants don't have aspiration.
清 tsʻengtsʻ[tsʰ] as in the consecutive ts h in the phrase hits hard, i.e. like the sound of German Z, or Mandarin pinyin C. The ʻ marks aspiration.
精 tseng
從 dzŷong
ts
dz
[ts] as in cats, or Mandarin pinyin Z.
[dz] as in adze. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [ts] or [tsʰ].
影 ʾẹngˬʾ[ʔ] like the glottal stop in the middle of "uh-oh". This sound is not usually recognized as a distinct consonant in English, but is written as a distinct consonant in other languages, like Arabic (alef) or Hawaiian (the ʻokina).

Sibilant sounds

Here are some sounds with reasonably close English equivalents, though they are spelled in an unfamiliar way. They fall under the broad category of sibilant sounds, like English /s/ and /z/.

namesymbolpronunciation
審 śimˬślike the sh in shoe.
禪 dźėnˎźlike the soft g in genre. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality.
穿 tśʻwėntṣʻtśʻlike the ch in children.
牀 dẓângdẓlike the dg in badge. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality.
照 tśėuˎtṣlike the tch in kitchen, NOT as in children. In other words, like English ch, but without aspiration.

When Chinese scholars first gave names to all these consonants, these pairs were all indistinct. But earlier sources distinguish them clearly, and so they have two different spellings here. One set is spelled with an underdot ◌̣ to indicate retroflex articulation (pronounced with the tongue curled back), and the other set is spelled with with an acute accent ◌́, to indicate palatal articulation (pronounced with the tongue raised towards the palate). Such a distinction does not occur in English, but some approximations in other languages are given below.

namespellingearlier pronunciationlater pronunciation
審 śimˬ[ʂ] like Polish sz or Mandarin sh.[ʂ] like Polish sz or Mandarin sh.
ś[ɕ] like Polish ś or Mandarin x.
照 tśėuˎtṣ[] like Mandarin zh.[] like Mandarin zh.
穿 tśʻwėntṣʻ[tʂʰ] like Polish cz or Mandarin ch.[tʂʰ] like Polish cz or Mandarin ch.
tśʻ[tɕʰ] like Polish ć or Mandarin q.
牀 dẓângdẓ[] like Polish or drz, or Russian дж.[tʂʰ] like Polish cz or Mandarin ch. At some point, this sound likely had a breathy quality.
[] like Polish .
禪 dźėnˎ[ȥ] like Polish ż or rz, Russian ж, or Mandarin r.[ʂ] like Polish sz or Mandarin sh, and sometimes [tʂʰ] like Polish cz or Mandarin ch. At some point, this sound likely had a breathy quality.
ź[ʑ] like Polish ź.

Initial consonants not found in English

The consonant inventory of Middle Chinese also included some sounds with no equivalent in most standard English varieties.

namesymbolpronunciation
曉 kheuˬkh [x] as in the final sound of loch, or like Spanish J in jamón, or [χ] further back in the throat as in Bach.
匣 ghạpgh[ɣ] something like Arabic letter ghayn or Flemish G, or perhaps [ʁ] even further back in the throat, as the R-sound of French or German, or [ɦ] like a sort of breathy H-sound. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [x], something like loch or Bach.
日 nźīt[ɲ] like the Spanish Ñ sound, or the gn of French and Italian. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound eventually moved closer towards [ɻ] a sound vaguely like a J- or R-sound, as in Mandarin 日 rì, the source of the first syllable of the English word "Japan". This spelling is meant to reflect how the sound might have been pronounced at an intermediary stage, something like [ɲʑ], i.e. vaguely like an N sound followed by a soft J sound (as in Jacques).
喻 yuˎ[jw] or [ju] like a Y-sound followed immediately by a W-sound. This W-sound technically constituted part of the vowel, but this sequence of sounds may have eventually combined into something close to [y] like the French U or German Ü, or the Mandarin yu in yuán. This initial consonant usually shows up as a plain /j/ sound in on'yomi, in which case it is written y. But where it shows up as a W- sound in on'yomi, we write it like this, with the grave accent ` there to distinguish it from w, which didn't involve an initial [j] Y-like glide.
喻 yuˎWhen a word begins with a vowel letter in this notation, that means there was no trace of a consonant in the on'yomi. But scholars generally believe that, at least in earlier stages of Chinese, these words started with a pharyngeal or glottal consonant, something like [ɦ], a sort of breathy H-sound.

"Tongue-head" vs. "tongue-up" sounds

The consonants written t d n can each be pronounced one of two ways, depending on the following sounds. Chinese scholars distinguished one set as 舌頭 "tongue-head" sounds, and the other as 舌上 "tongue-up" sounds.

In general, whenever any syllable is written with a dot above or below the main vowel, or immediately before letters I and Y, these letters represent the "tongue-up" sounds, which were likely pronounced with retroflex articulation, i.e. with the tongue more curled back. Modern scholars originally thought that these were palatal sounds. Nowadays, it's widely accepted that retroflex articulation is more likely, but there's a chance that these "tongue-up" sounds may have been pronounced slightly differently in different environments.

In all other syllables, these letters represent the "tongue-head" sounds, which were likely pronounced with dental articulation, i.e. with the tongue closer to the teeth.

t知 tï[ʈ] like Hindi tikka.
端 twan[t] as in stop, or more precisely, like Hindi tabla, Spanish tu or Mandarin duān.
徹 tʻėt[ʈʰ] like Hindi theek. The ʻ marks aspiration.
透 tʻouˎ[] as in talk, or more precisely, like Hindi hathi or Mandarin tòu. The ʻ marks aspiration.
d澄 dạng[ɗ] like Hindi damru or Swedish jord. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [ʈ] or [ʈʰ].
定 dengˎ[d] as in dog, or more precisely, like Spanish anda. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound lost its voiced quality, thus shifting towards [t] or [].
n孃 nyang[ɳ] like Swedish barn. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to a [ɗ] sound in some contexts.
泥 neiˎ[n] as in noodle, or more precisely, like Spanish anda or Mandarin nì. Around the Tang dynasty, this sound shifted closer to a [d] sound in some contexts.

This spelling rule is in place because, in general, the vowel determines whether to choose between "tongue-head" or "tongue-up" sounds. (Linguists might describe these sounds as being in nearly complementary distribution.) There are only a couple cases in the whole language where a "tongue-head" (dental) sound shows up where you would expect a "tongue-up" (retroflex) sound. In these exceptional cases, the dental sounds are distinguished with a following h.

retroflexdental
盯 tạngˬ
stare
打 thạngˬ
hit
緻 dīˎ
delicate, fine
地 dhīˎ
earth
(no such word)伱 nhiˬ
you (colloquial)

Sound changes affecting initial consonants

Here are a couple more sound changes in addition to those affecting sibilants mentioned above.

While linguists broadly agree about all the sound changes mentioned here, there is no universally accepted timeline for them. These changes probably did not happen at exactly the same time or at the same rate. That means, in order to precisely represent the sound of any of these more unstable consonants at any point past the earliest stages of Middle Chinese (just before the Tang dynasty), we would have to first answer the question of how fast these sound changes happened. When dealing with a consonant like b or that was affected by multiple sound changes, it would get even more complicated.

These are difficult questions, and judging by the lack of agreement over so many other questions in historical Chinese phonology, I would guess that there is no answer that would satisfy everyone. This is why I will discuss these sound changes without giving any specific dates.

Herein lies one of the advantages of this notation over the IPA. As these letters don't represent precise phonetic values at any given stage of Middle Chinese, we can avoid the issue of reconciling the various timelines of all these sound changes.

Voiced sounds and breathy sounds

Some scholars think a few initial consonants that started as voiced sounds eventually gained a quality called breathiness before they merged with their unvoiced counterparts (sometimes with aspiration, sometimes without).

namespellingearlier pronunciationlater pronunciation
並 bengˬb[b] as in big[] like Korean bap, or something like Hindi bhakti
定 dengˎd[d] as in dog[] like Korean doenjang, or something like Hindi dharma
邪 zyạz[z] as in zoo[] something like Korean Seoul
群 gung[ɡ] as in go[] like Korean gim, or something like Hindi ghee
從 dzŷong dz[dz] as in adze[tsʱ] like ts, but with a breathy quality
牀 dẓângdẓ[] [] as in judge (see above)[tɕʱ] like Korean japchae, or something like Hindi jharna
禪 dźėnˎź[ʑ] [ʐ] as in Jacques (see above)

These voiced sounds also had an effect on the pitch of the following vowel, causing some tonal splits and mergers. The comparison to Korean consonants may be especially apt, as these Korean "voiced" or "breathy" sounds also have the effect of lowering the pitch of following vowels, and have merged recently with their unvoiced aspirated counterparts.

Dentilabialization

The sounds written p b eventually all became an F-like sound before certain sounds. This phenomenon is called dentilabialization (since this F-sound is pronounced labiodentally, with the teeth and the lips). These new sounds were not represented distinctly in on'yomi, but they feature prominently in modern Chinese languages like Mandarin. For instance, 風 pūng, 菲 pʻî, 房 bâng became fēng, fēi, and fáng in Mandarin.

spellingnamesearlier pronunciationlater pronunciation
p幫 pang[p] as in spoon
非 pî(same as above)[f] as in food, perhaps at one point [pf] like German Pfeffer.
滂 pʻang[] as in pool
敷 pʻu(same as above)[f] as in food, perhaps at one point [pfʰ] like German Pfeffer, but (possibly) with aspiration.
b並 bengˬ[b] as in big
奉 bôngˬ(same as above)[f] as in food, perhaps at one point [pfʱ] like German Pfeffer, (possibly) with breathy voice, or something like [bv] a B-sound followed by a V-sound.

Linguists have competing theories about the exact phonological triggers of these changes. In this notation, vowels triggering dentilabialization are written either with the letter U or with the circumflex accent, i.e. one of the vowels â, ê, î, or ô.

Dentilabialization also affected the sound written m, which eventually became something like a W or V sound in English. So, words like 物 mut became in Mandarin. The same vowel sounds that caused dentilabialization of p and b also caused dentilabialization of m, with the exception of sounds written here with the macron ū.

spellingnamesearlier pronunciationlater pronunciation
m明 mẹng[m] as in much
微 mî(same as above)[ʋ] like Dutch wel, perhaps at some point like [mv] an M-sound followed by a V-sound.

"Denasalization" of m n ng

Perhaps in parallel with the shift of b d g towards , the nasal consonants m n ng underwent a change in which they appeared to lose their nasal quality before certain vowels, judging by their representation in on'yomi. For instance, the the character 無 in earlier borrowings into Japanese was pronounced /mu/, and then in later borrowings it became /bu/. One explanation is that they became prenasalized stops—retaining a nasal quality, but without a nasal release.

This seems to have been a short-lived phenomenon, which was limited to the capital of the Tang dynasty, Chang'an. In modern Chinese languages, there is little trace of these "denasalized" sounds.

Final consonants

As mentioned above, the traditional consonant names of Middle Chinese given above technically apply to initial consonants, i.e. those at the start of a syllable. But it's beyond any doubt that a subset of these consonants could also appear at the end of a syllable. These are the stop consonants p t k and the nasal consonants m n ng. It's possible that these syllable-endings involved more distinctions, like palatalized or labialized variants. But these are not widely agreed upon, and so they are not represented in this notation.

Vowels

The problem with Middle Chinese reconstructions

Compared with the consonants, little is known for certain with regard to the vowels of Middle Chinese. Various scholars have come up with various ways of reconstructing them. They don't even agree on how many distinct vowels there were in the language.

This situation is very different from that of other ancient languages like Latin, Greek, or Sanskrit. As you might expect, this difference is largely because there is nothing like a native Chinese alphabetic writing system for us to learn from. The Chinese characters do have some phonetic elements (contrary to popular belief), but not enough to help scholars recover any exact values for the ancient vowel sounds with total certainty. So it makes sense that scholars of Middle Chinese make use of drastically different techniques for their reconstructions compared with those available to scholars of Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit. In fact, their techniques differ so much that some suggest that all scholarly reconstructions of Middle Chinese aren't really proper "reconstructions" at all.

This has to do with the peculiar nature of the most central pieces of evidence in Middle Chinese reconstructions, the Qieyun rhyme dictionary and the so-called "rime tables". These sources are of unquestionable importance for anyone interested in historical Chinese pronunciation, and yet they they offer little in the way of direct evidence for reconstructing Chinese sounds. What they do offer us is a wealth of information about historical Chinese pronunciation that is, unfortunately, impossible to sum up briefly. Or at least, it's impossible to sum up in a way that's easy for the non-specialist to understand, so I won't bother trying here.

Suffice it to say, these sources are not like the kind of dictionaries you or I are used to today. Modern dictionaries aim to represent, for the most part, the words of a language in one particular time and place, but the Qieyun and the rime dictionaries do not. Seeing as the very concept of "Middle Chinese" is so intimately tied to these sources, this leads many scholars to flat-out deny the existence of "Middle Chinese" as a single coherent spoken language. In light of this, it's no wonder they would also question the validity of any reconstruction of "Middle Chinese" that treats it as such.

It's an altogether complicated, messy situation. So let's leave reconstructions aside for a moment, and instead, let's work through a little thought experiment.

A thought experiment

Say we were to travel back in time to around the Heian period in Japan, circa 800 C.E., give or take a century or two—in other words, the same time as the Tang/Song dynasties. If we came across one of the many Japanese speakers at the time who were familiar with Chinese, and asked them to learn the Latin alphabet and try writing down Chinese in it, what kind of system might they come up with?

This might seem like a strange question, but in answering it, we can go actually a long way towards answering questions about Middle Chinese sounds in a satisfying way.

So let's think. Our new Japanese friend from 800 C.E. probably would come up with a rather flawed system for writing Chinese sounds. With no training in modern linguistics, they might represent some consonants and vowels ambiguously. There would also be some interference from their native Early Middle Japanese, causing them to confuse some sounds, and leave out some sounds altogether. But despite these shortcomings, they would likely represent the sounds of Middle Chinese more faithfully than you or I could possibly manage to. After all, this is a living, breathing contemporary of Tang China—some Japanese people at the time actually traveled to China and joined the upper ranks of society there. So this person would have learned the language from actual speakers of Tang-era Chinese, giving them such insight into the language as we could only dream of.

Viewing Middle Chinese through the lens of the Kan-on

I invite you to think of the Middle Chinese notation used here as something like our imaginary friend from Heian Japan might have come up with. It doesn't reconstruct specific consonants and vowels, but it's designed to bring you closer to the source than any scholarly reconstruction.

This is possible in large part thanks to the on'yomi tradition. These character readings may come from Japan, but they represent the attempts of real-life speakers of Tang-era Chinese to write down the sounds of the language. This has made the on'yomi an invaluable resource for scholars and anyone else trying to understand the sounds of Middle Chinese. Therefore, this notation uses the on'yomi as a starting point—in particular, those on'yomi which were recorded by Japanese speakers around the Tang dynasty, known as Kan-on.

The foundation of this notation consists of a rendition of the Kan-on using ordinary Latin letters taken from the standard conventions of romanized Japanese. Additional symbols are introduced in order to represent other distinctions which were not recorded in the Kan-on tradition, without committing to precise phonetic values. To illustrate, let's take an example of a few characters which are read with the on'yomika. In our notation, each of them is written like ka, but with slight variations.

  • 歌 ka
  • 家 kạ
  • 佳 kạ̈

The different diacritic marks on A are a sign that these vowels were somehow different from each other, though the exact nature of these differences is not universally agreed upon. The specific usage of these diacritics is meant to tell us a few things.

  • Both kạ and kạ̈ share the underdot mark as a way of signalling that scholars put them together in a group separate from bare ka. This group is generally reconstructed with more front vowels, like [a] [æ] [ɛ] (closer to the A in cat or the E in bed), as opposed to the more back vowel in ka [ɑ] (closer to the A in father). In addition, scholars sometimes reconstruct these syllables with a velar or palatal element before the vowel like [ɣ] or [j].
  • Between kạ and kạ̈, the double-dot is a way of signalling another difference—namely, it's likely that the kạ̈ had a higher or more front vowel. So scholars posit for 家 kạ sounds like /kɣæ/, /kjaː/, etc., whereas 佳 kạ̈ gets something like /kɣɛ/, /kjaːj/ etc.

Hopefully now you can see why it's not so easy to represent Middle Chinese vowels in the International Phonetic Alphabet. The IPA only allows us to represent one scholar's reconstruction at a time. It allows us to do so with great precision, but such precision isn't always desirable. The inherent imprecision of a notation like ours actually has its advantages. By avoiding precise phonetic symbols, we avoid committing to one single scholar's vision, and we can instead express patterns that are common to many scholars' visions. This works because this notation was built on the foundation of the Kan-on tradition and other important sources which form the arsenal of all scholarly reconstructions of Middle Chinese ever published.

From Japanese to Chinese vowels

From here on out, we will be talking about Chinese vowels with reference to the vowels of Japanese, so let's talk briefly about Japanese vowels. At the time of Kan-on, the Japanese vowel system was not very different than it is today. The so-called "Early Middle Japanese" of this period had a five-vowel system much like those of many other world languages, such as Spanish, Swahili, Hawaiian, and so on.

  • /a/ Much like the A in father, as in modern Japanese.
  • /i/ Much like the I in machine, as in modern Japanese.
  • /u/ Much like the U in rule. This sound may have been more rounded than the corresponding sound in modern Japanese, which is often transcribed as /ɯ/.
  • /e/ Narrowly transcribed [ʲe], much like the ye in yes. So the same as in modern Japanese, except with an initial glide like a Y sound.
  • /o/ Narrowly transcribed [ʷo], much like the wo in worn. So the same as in modern Japanese, except with an initial glide like a W sound.

(At the beginning of the Early Middle Japanese period, there was actually an additional vowel /ə/. But this merged with the /o/ sound some time after 1000 C.E. So it still makes sense to say that the fivefold vowel system above remained intact throughout the shared history of Early Middle Japanese and Middle Chinese.)

Five-vowel systems like this just so happen to be a great match for the Latin alphabet—a coincidence which turns out to be great news for our thought experiment. Remember, we're trying to imagine how someone from Heian-era Japan might use the Latin alphabet to represent Middle Chinese sounds. And the vowels pose the biggest challenge by far because of the lack of direct evidence for Middle Chinese vowels (as opposed to the consonants, which scholars back in the day so kindly named and listed out for us).

So while we may never know exactly what the vowels of Middle Chinese sounded like, we can answer this different, also compelling question. That is, how might one best approximate the Middle Chinese vowels given just five vowel symbols? We need only to look to the on'yomi for the answer. For practically every syllable of Middle Chinese, we know exactly how Japanese speakers of the Heian period interpreted it in their own five-vowel system. These Kan-on readings will allow us to actually bring our thought experiment to a pretty satisfying conclusion, no time machine needed.

All games aside, there is a real-world lesson here for us who are trying to spell out the sounds of Middle Chinese using the Latin alphabet. There's no need to wrack our brains trying to think of the best way to write out Middle Chinese vowels in a five-vowel system. The work has already been done for us by the compilers of the Kan-on readings. These people were real contemporaries of Tang China, who knew these vowel sounds more intimately than we could ever hope to.

Caveats

The Kan-on are a good starting point for understanding the sounds of Middle Chinese, because, in the vast majority of cases, the compilers of these on'yomi wrote down Middle Chinese sounds in a manner that was nice and consistent. But there are exceptions to this general rule. After all, the Kan-on aren't the work of one specific person like our imaginary friend from Heian Japan. They're simply a collection of character readings that happened to get recorded during this particular period of time. We can't expect them to depict the sounds of Middle Chinese in a totally systematic way.

On the other hand, the whole point of this notation is to depict Middle Chinese sounds in a systematic way. For that reason, there are some places where it deviates from Kan-on. Thankfully, these cases are few, since the Kan-on are mostly consistent. In the following section on the finals, I go into specific cases of inconsistencies within the Kan-on. But here's the general idea of how this writing system handles these inconsistencies.

Plain old inconsistencies in Kan-on

Take the character 佳. It is known to have a single Middle Chinese reading, but it has multiple Kan-on readings: /ka/ and /kai/. These are both legitimate Kan-on, since they were both recorded sometime around the Heian period. In cases like this, where there are multiple Kan-on available, this notation reflects only one of these readings in the vowel letters. So in the case of 佳, we will always write kạ̈, instead of something like kạ̈i. (The reasoning behind these design decisions are too complicated to go into here, but they were generally taken to keep different vowels visually distinct, and sometimes take general trends in reconstructions into account.)

Predictable vowel alternation in Kan-on

Sometimes, one Middle Chinese vowel is rendered in a couple different ways in Kan-on, but the variation happens in a pretty consistent way. For example, the characters 水 and 軌 had the same final in Chinese, but in Kan-on, they are rendered with different vowels as 水 /sui/ and 軌 /kwi/. This appears at first glance to be an inconsistency, but when we look at other words in the same category, there are clear patterns. It turns out that, for words with this final, we can usually predict the Kan-on vowel based on the initial consonant. The consonant in 軌 is a velar consonant k, and whenever the initial is a velar consonant (i.e. any of kh g gh), this vowel is always represented as /(w)i/ in Kan-on, as opposed to /ui/. This is just one of a few such patterns.

It's possible that these variations represent real changes in pronunciation at later stages of Middle Chinese, but that's not necessarily the case. In any event, this notation incorporates some of these patterns, above all when they are especially conspicuous and easy to explain with a general rule. This helps maintain some consistency with Kan-on, and keeps us from encroaching on the territory of reconstructions. Thus, we write those example characters' readings as 水 śuīˬ and 軌 kwīˬ You may consider the diacritics on the vowel in such cases as a hint that the vowel in question might exhibit alternation like this.

Other times, vowel alternations may be easy to explain with a general rule, but they still aren't incorporated into this notation. For example, the vowel sound in 高 is usually rendered as /au/ in Kan-on. But there's a consistent rule that, after labial consonants like /p/, the vowel is rendered /ou/, as in 宝 /pou/. Despite that, we will consistently write that vowel as au, giving 髙 kau and 宝 pauˬ. This lets us keep words like 宝 pauˬ and 掊 pouˬ visually distinct, without resorting to diacritics.

Many different considerations went into the decisions around which vowel alternations to honor or ignore in this writing system. Unfortunately there isn't an easy way to list them all here, so some decisions may seem kind of arbitrary. But these inconsistencies in Kan-on are rare enough that they shouldn't impact the usefulness of this notation too much—at least, this is my hope.

Finals

The most important sources used for reconstructing Middle Chinese vowels don't treat vowels in isolation, but instead talk about rhymes or finals, i.e. the part of the syllable after any initial consonant. For this reason it's easiest to talk about vowels in the context of specific finals.

The structure of a final in this notation

The part of an on'yomi corresponding to the final in traditional Chinese phonology basically always consists of these elements, in this exact order:

sound in Kan-on (~Heian period)spelling
an optional "semivowel" /w/ /j/ or /wij/wyŷ
a mandatory vowel /a/ /e/ /i/ /o/ or /u/aeiou
an optional "coda", one of:
vowel /i/ /u/
nasal consonant or vowel /i/ /u/ /n/
stop /ku/ /ki/ /tu/ /ti/ /pu/

iu
ngnm
ktp
Medials

These "semivowel" sounds in on'yomi readings correspond to sounds which scholars of Chinese often call "medials". They were recorded in on'yomi only after certain initials, but we will write them out consistently, in all syllables where Chinese sources indicate they were present. Reconstructions generally agree on the following with regard to these medial sounds:

  • The sound written here w corresponds to /w/ in Kan'on, which probably depicted a sound like [w] or [u]. It may have been fronted to something like [y] or [ʉ] in certain contexts, especially before front vowels (written here e and i) and when written before ȧ.
  • The sound written here y corresponds to /j/ in Kan'on, which probably depicted a sound like [j] or [i]. In some finals, it may have been closer to a more central [ɨ].
  • The sound written here ŷ corresponds to a sound written like /wij/ in Kan'on, which probably depicted a sequence of a w sound followed by a y sound, so something like [wj]. Alternatively, it may have been something in between those two sounds, so something like [ʉ] or [y].

As an exception, the w in syllables ʾwo ʾwōng ʾwōk ʾwīk likely does not correspond to a Chinese medial /w/, but represents vowel alternation in those finals.

The y written here before E and before I here is not exactly a medial, and is not a relic of Kan-on. This is a way of marking certain syllables in a category called Chongniu IV, which is discussed in more detail in the sections for those "main vowels" below. When these Chongniu IV syllables also had a [w]-like medial in Middle Chinese, they take the grave accent over the W , rather than an added y.

Coda

As for the coda at the very end of the syllable, on'yomi are much less faithful to the original Chinese, since Japanese doesn't allow all the final consonants that Chinese does.

  • Final /i/ in Kan-on usually corresponds to a final [i] in reconstructions, in which case we write it i. After main vowel /e/, it sometimes corresponds to a velar nasal consonant [ŋ], in which case we write it ng.
  • Final /u/ in Kan-on often corresponds to a final [u] in reconstructions, in which case we write it u. Elsewhere, it corresponds to a velar nasal consonant [ŋ], in which case we write it ng, as in English.
  • Final /n/ in Kan-on corresponds to a final [n] or [m] in reconstructions, here written n and m respectively. (There is reason to believe that Japanese during this time had final /m/ in some places, but these sounds were not consistently distinguished in writing.)
  • Final /ku/ and /ki/ in Kan-on corresponds to a final [k] in reconstructions, here written k.
  • Final /tu/ and /ti/ in Kan-on corresponds to a final [t] in reconstructions, here written t.
  • Final /pu/ in Kan-on corresponds to a final [p] in reconstructions, here written p.
"Main vowels"

We'll call this mandatory vowel at the core the "main vowel". This isn't a technical term, but as we continue to discuss what the vowels of Middle Chinese may have sounded like, it will be useful to have an easy way of referring to this part of the final. It's here where most of the open questions about Middle Chinese vowels are centered.

The vast majority of Kan-on conform to this structure, but sometimes, Kan-on readings have the vowel sequences /iu/ and /ui/. In these cases, I've chosen to designate one of these vowels the "main" vowel solely on the basis of how I convenient I deemed the resulting groupings below.

Tones

After the consonants and vowels in this notation, some syllables are written with a ˬ caron or a ˎ grave accent at the bottom right. These are to mark tone, an important feature of Chinese languages. This feature is reminiscent of Japanese pitch accent, but it is not the same.

If you are only interested in Middle Chinese sounds in relation to the on'yomi, you can ignore the tones to no ill effect. On the other hand, an awareness of Middle Chinese tones can be helpful for understanding the relationship between words in languages like Mandarin Chinese, Cantonese, and Vietnamese, which do have tones.

The pronunciation of the Middle Chinese tones is not known with certainty, but it is well documented that there were initially four tones recognized in ancient times. These four tones correspond only sometimes with the tones of modern Mandarin.

  • Syllables with no tone mark in in this notation belong to the 平 "level" tone, the most common tone in the language. During the Tang dynasty, level-tone words may have had a high, falling pitch, or perhaps a low, steady pitch. This usually corresponds to the modern Mandarin first and second tones.
  • Syllables ending with a caron ˬ in this notation belong to the 上 "rising" tone. They may have had a high pitch or a rising pitch during the Tang dynasty. This usually corresponds to modern Mandarin third tone, which is also marked with a caron (but over the vowel).
  • Syllables ending with a grave accent ˎ in this notation belong to the 去 "departing" tone. They may have had a rising pitch during the Tang dynasty, like the "rising" tone, but perhaps more drawn out. This usually corresponds to modern Mandarin fourth tone, which is also marked with a grave accent (but over the vowel).
  • All syllables ending with stop consonants p t k were classified as 入 "entering" tone syllables in Middle Chinese. These final consonants were lost in Mandarin, where these syllables may take on any of the four modern Mandarin tones.

The four tones eventually split on the basis of the voicing of the initial consonant. Voiced consonants had the effect of lowering the pitch of the following vowel. (In this notation, voiced consonants are any consonants NOT written with letters P, T, K, or S, or the glottal stop ʾ.)

This tonal split explains the split between the first and second tones of Mandarin—the first tone is the "high level-tone", and the second tone is the "low level-tone". This high-low split also explains instances where the "rising" tone of Middle Chinese became the 4th tone of Mandarin, which is usually the result of Middle Chinese "departing" tone. The "low rising" tone and the "low departing" tone of Middle Chinese ended up merging, perhaps because the of the similar rising contours of both tones.

Finals with main vowel A

Finals with main vowel A are divided into three different categories by scholars of Middle Chinese.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Div. I(w)a(w)ang(w)ak(w)ai(w)an(w)atauamap
(w)āiāmāp
Div. II
◌̣
(w)ạ(w)ạng(w)ạk(w)ại(w)ạn(w)ạtạuạmạp
(w)ạ̈(w)ạ̈ng(w)ạ̈k(w)ạ̈n(w)ạ̈tạ̈mạ̈p
ạ̊ngạ̊k
Div. III
y- ẃ- ◌̂
ya/ẃa
yạ
(w/y/ŷ)âng(w/y)âk(w)âiânâtâmâp
  • Bare a in this notation marks finals in the category Division I. Scholars tend to reconstruct the vowel of these finals as a back vowel [ɑ], versus the more front vowels of Division II. These finals are overwhelmingly rendered as /a/ in on'yomi. The final au is sometimes interpreted as /ou/ in on'yomi, but here it is consistently represented as au to maintain a visual distinction with ou.
    • The macron ¯ is used to distinguish āi ām āp from bare ai am ap. These groups eventually merged, but at the start, the group with bare a may have had vowels that were relatively more central or shorter (variously [ʌ], [ə], [ă] in reconstructions). In some early Japanese borrowings, am ap were interpreted with the Japanese vowel -o rather than -a. While the two endings am ap were consistently permitted to rhyme with ām āp in poetry throughout the Middle Chinese period, ai and āi were not considered good rhymes until later.
    • The finals ai and wai may have been distinguished by a leading /w/-like sound before the vowel, but at least at earlier stages of Middle Chinese, some scholars attribute to wai an entirely different vowel, like /o/. If that is the case, it would explain why in some early borrowings into Japanese, wai is interpreted with -ui (rather than the expected -wai or -we).
  • The underdot ̣ in this notation marks finals in the category Division II. Scholars tend to reconstruct these finals with a more front vowel than Division I, so something like [a], [æ], or even []. It's widely agreed that these finals had an R-like or L-like sound before the vowel in Old Chinese, which may have survived into the Middle Chinese period as something like a velar glide (something like [ɰ] or [ɯ/ɣ]), or a palatal glide (like [j]). In some earlier Japanese borrowings, the vowel is interpreted as -e or -ya rather than -a. Division II finals have an affinity with retroflex consonants, which are also marked by the underdot in this notation. (The underdot was chosen for its historical association with retroflex consonants, cf. Sanskrit.)
    • The double-dot ä in this notations marks finals that were likely pronounced with a more front or higher vowel compared to finals with only the underdot, something like [ɛ] or [ai], though some scholars have posited a distinction of vowel length between these finals. (In an admittedly biased move, I chose the double-dots for their historical association with frontness, cf. German Umlaut). Finals ending in ạ̈ were usually interpreted with Japanese /ai/, but sometimes with /a/; the spelling ạ̈ was chosen to keep a visual distinction with ạ̈i finals, which are more consistently interpreted with /ai/. With the exception of those finals ending in ạ̈, members of this group were not usually distinguished in on'yomi from their counterparts without double-dots. Both groups were often interpreted with Japanese -e in earlier borrowings. As with all the other vowels with the underdot, these likely had a preceding velar or palatal element like (something like [ɰ] [ɣ] [j]).
    • The ring ° in this notation is used in finals ending in ạ̊ng and ạ̊k, which scholars tend to reconstruct with an element of roundedness or height, like [ɔ] or [aɨw]. As with all the other vowels with the underdot, these may have had a preceding velar or palatal element at some earlier stages of Middle Chinese (something like [ɰ] [ɣ] [j]). In some earlier Japanese borrowings, ạ̊ng ạ̊k were interpreted with the Japanese vowel -o rather than -a. (The ring was chosen for its historical association with the letter O, cf. Danish.) These two finals are the only ones bearing the ring diacritic, reflecting the fact that they consistently formed a distinct rhyme group in Chinese poetry.
  • In finals with main vowel A in this notation, the category Division III is usually marked by leading y. These are usually reconstructed with an onset something like [i] or [j]. The finals yang yak are the form taken by the finals elsewhere written âng âk, when a /j/ sound is present in the corresponding Kan-on reading. Finals in ya and yạ are known to have rhymed with finals in a and respectively. Division III also includes the final ẃa, which differs from Division I wa is that this Division III final had some kind of front element, which may have been pronounced before, after, or in combination with the element rendered /w/ in on'yomi. Scholars reconstruct this final variously as /ɨuɑ/ /ʷiɑ/ /ya/, etc.
    • The circumflex accent ^ is used in this notation to mark finals âng âk âi ân ât âm âp. These finals may have had a Y-like sound before the vowel, and where this is reflected in on'yomi, a Y is included in this notation. Scholars tend to reconstruct these finals with a central vowel, like [ɐ]. (The circumflex accent was chosen for its historical association with central vowels, cf. Romanian, Vietnamese.) In earlier Japanese borrowings , this vowel was often interpreted with Japanese -o rather than -a. Before labial consonants p b m, these vowels triggered dentilabialization.

Finals with main vowel E

Finals with main vowel E in this notation are divided into two different categories by scholars of Middle Chinese.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Div. III
◌̇ y- ẁ-
(w/y/ẁ)ėng(w/y/ẁ)ėk(w/y/ẁ)ėi(w/y/ẁ)ėn(w/y/ẁ)ėt(y)ėu(y)ėm(y)ėp
(w)ên(w)êtêmêp
(w)ẹng(w)ẹk
Div. IV
(w)eng(w)ek(w)ei(w)en(w)eteuemep
  • For finals written with E in this notation, the ė dot above is the usual mark of the category called Division III. Scholars tend to reconstruct the vowel of these finals with an onset something like /i/ or /j/, and a main vowel like [ɛ] or [e]. When written with the a leading y or , the the dot above is omitted for the sake of brevity.
    • The circumflex accent ^ is used in this notation to mark finals (w)ên (w)êt (w)êm (w)êp, which modern scholars generally agree had the same respective vowels as in ân ât âm âp, i.e. probably a central vowel like [ɐ], which triggered dentilabialization in preceding labial consonants. In some early Japanese borrowings, these were normally interpreted with the Japanese vowel -o rather than -e.
    • The underdot ̣ is used to mark some finals in this notation ẹng ẹk which, at least at an early stage of Middle Chinese, were probably identical to the Division II finals ạng ạk, except with an added /i/-like glide before the vowel, which was a front vowel along the lines of [æ].
  • The bare letter E in this notation marks finals in the category Division IV. At earlier stages of Middle Chinese, these finals were probably pronounced with a vowel something like [ɛ] or [e]. That is, they were identical to the corresponding finals of Division III (with bare e), but without the /i/-like glide before the vowel. Eventually, this Division IV series also was pronounced with a glide, and most (if not all) of these pairs merged.
Chongniu III finals vs. Chongniu IV finals

Those finals written here with bare e are sometimes divided by scholars into two further groups, when they appear after certain initial consonants (those written here with symbols ʾ k g p b m). This "Chongniu" distinction is denoted here by the presence of y or .

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Chongniu III(w)eng(w)ek(w)ei(w)en(w)eteuemep
Chongniu IV
y- ẁ-
yeng/
ẁeng
yek/
ẁek
yei/
ẁei
yen/
ẁen
yet/
ẁet
yeuyemyep

When these finals are written the usual way, they are called "Chongniu III" finals. Some scholars believe these finals had a velar element before the vowel (the same as Division II finals). The y of "Chongniu IV" finals is a nod to borrowings from Middle Chinese into Korean, where some Chongniu IV finals were depicted with a Y-sound. These were actually not distinguished from Chongniu III finals in on'yomi.

Finals with main vowel I

Finals with main vowel I in this notation all belong to the category known to scholars as Division III.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Div. III
iinitiu(y)im(y)ip
(w/y/ẁ/u)īwīk(w/y/ẁ)īt(w/y/ẁ)īn
(w/y/ẁ/u)ï
(w)î
wĭk
  • The bare i is used in this notation mostly to mark finals which scholars tend to reconstruct with relatively lower or more central vowels (like [ɨ]) relative to their counterparts with the macron ī (often reconstructed with [i]). In earlier borrowings into Japanese, iu was sometimes interpreted as Japanese -eu rather than -iu, and i in it im ip were sometimes interpreted with -o rather than -i. However, finals with Y- (Chongniu IV finals) did not get interpreted with -o. All these finals were eventually to merge with their counterparts having macron ī and double-dot ï. Finals in iu were sometimes interpreted as /eu/ even in the later Kan-on borrowings which form the basis of this notation, but they are consistently written iu here in order to maintain a visual distinction with eu.
  • The macron ī is used in this notation to mark finals which scholars sometimes reconstruct with relatively higher or more front vowels like [i] (compared to their counterparts with bare I, often reconstructed with [ɨ]). These finals were more consistently interpreted with Japanese -i (rather than -o) in earlier borrowings. The finals and were considered one and the same, but the recorders of on'yomi tended to write them differently depending on the initial consonant, so we follow suit here. The final wīk is usually written (y)ūk, but after certain consonants it was depicted as /wi/ or /i/ in on'yomi, and we write it like so, though scholars consistently reconstruct these finals consistently as something along the lines of [ɨuk], [iuk] or [iwk]. Likewise, the finals wīn wīt are identified with finals yūn yūt, and these were all pronounced with vowels something like [iuɪn] or [win], and in later stages may have moved towards something like [yn].
  • The double-dot ï in this notation marks some vowels which scholars generally agree to have started out as an [e]-like sound in the early stages of Middle Chinese, which changed to something closer to [i]. In earlier borrowings into Japanese, ï was sometimes interpreted with Japanese -e rather than -i. (The double-dots were chosen for their historical association with the letter E, cf. German Umlaut.) This vowel eventually gained a [i]-like onset, and then the [e]-like element disappeared. The finals and were considered one and the same to the Chinese, but the recorders of Kan-on tended to write them differently depending on the initial consonant, so we follow suit here.
  • The circumflex accent î in this notation marks finals which scholars tend to reconstruct as a diphthong, with a more central or back onset, something like [ɨi]. In earlier borrowings into Japanese, î was sometimes interpreted with Japanese -e rather than -i. Before labial consonants p b m, this vowel triggered dentilabialization.
  • The breve ĭ in this notation is used only in the final wĭk (usually reconstructed something like [wɨk], with a rounded element before a central vowel), which was considered to rhyme with yŏk (usually reconstructed something like [ɨk], the same as wĭk without the rounded element).
Chongniu III finals vs. Chongniu IV finals

Those finals written here with i ī ï are sometimes divided by scholars into two further groups, when they appear after certain initial consonants (those written here with symbols ʾ k g p b m). This "Chongniu" distinction is denoted here by the presence of y, , or u before the vowel.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Chongniu IIIimip
(w)ī(w)īt(w)īn
(w)ï
Chongniu IV
y- ẁ- u-
yimyip
yī/
ẁī/uī
yīn/
ẁīn
yīt/
ẁīt
yï/
ẁï/uï

When these finals are written the usual way, they are called "Chongniu III" finals. Some scholars believe these finals had a velar element before the vowel (the same as Division II finals). The y of "Chongniu IV" finals is a nod to borrowings from Middle Chinese into Korean, where some Chongniu IV finals were depicted with a Y-sound. These were actually not distinguished from Chongniu III finals from in on'yomi, except in that Chongniu IV finals written with tended to lose the /w/ element, and Chongniu IV finals written with y do not alternate with o in Go-on readings.

Finals with main vowel O

Finals with main vowel O in this notation are divided into two different categories by scholars of Middle Chinese.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Div. I(w)oongok(w)on(w)otou
(w)ōng(w)ōk
(w)ŏng(w)ŏk
Div. III
y- ◌̂
yo
yŏng/ŷŏngyŏk/ŷŏk
(ŷ)ông(ŷ)ôk
  • Bare o in this notation marks finals in the category Division I. Scholars tend to reconstruct the vowel of these finals as a back, rounded vowel like [o]. It's likely that the finals on ot ou were pronounced with a less rounded, more central vowel, something like [ə]. The final o with zero coda was likely rounded, and in Japanese sometimes was written as /wo/.
    • The macron ō in this notation is on finals ōng ōk to reflect a distinction between their counterparts without macron in the earlier stages of Middle Chinese. Scholars generally agree that this set with macron were pronounced with a greater degree of height, so for ōng, something more like [] or [əwŋ], versus ong [] or [awŋ]. In earlier borrowings into Japanese, these finals were sometimes interpreted with Japanese -u rather than -o. These finals rhymed with finals in (i)ūng and (y)ūk.
    • The breve ŏ in this notation is used to mark finals ŏng ŏk which were pronounced with a more central vowel than their counterparts without breve, something like [ə]. These finals with O-breve remained a distinct group after the merger of ōng ōk with ong ok.
  • In finals with main vowel O in this notation, a leading y is the usual mark of the category Division III, which scholars usually reconstruct with an initial glide (e.g. [ɨ] [i]) leading into a back or rounded vowel ( e.g. [ʌ] [ɔ]). In yo, this meant a diphthong something like [ɨʌ] [iɔ] [ɨu̯o̝].
    • The breve ŏ in this notation is used to mark finals yŏng/ŷŏng yŏk/ŷŏk which rhymed with their counterparts without Y in Division I ŏng ŏk. As in those finals, the element rendered as O here was probably a central, unrounded vowel, something like [ə]. At an earlier stage of Middle Chinese, these probably were more like a sequence composed of an /i/-like sound followed by /k/ or /ŋ/, and this is reflected in earlier Japanese borrowings. The final spelled ŷŏk is used in a single syllable kŷŏk, which was attested in Kan-on as kyoku (not kwiyoku as suggested by the ŷ), but it is spelled with ŷ to keep it visually distinct from kyŏk.
    • The circumflex accent ô in this notation is used to mark finals (ŷ)ông (ŷ)ôk. Especially in earlier borrowings into Japanese, these finals could be interpreted with Japanese -u rather than -io. Here we are consistently writing them with O to reflect the fact that they rhymed with finals in ong ok with bare o. As in those finals, the element rendered as O here probably had a back, rounded element, something like [o] or [aw]. These finals triggered dentilabialization in preceding labial consonants p b m.

Finals with main vowel U

Finals with main vowel U in this notation all belong to the category known to scholars as Division III. After labial consonants p b m, they trigger dentilabialization.

-∅-ng-k-i-n-t-u-m-p
Div. III(y)uunut
(i)ū(i)ūng(y)ūkyūnyūt
  • The finals written u and yu in this notation are usually reconstructed by scholars with a back, rounded vowel like [u]. These two finals were considered one and the same in Middle Chinese, but they are written differently here depending on the initial consonant to reflect their rendering in Kan-on. After t d n, this final is rendered consistently as /iu/ in Kan-on, but it is written here as yu to maintain a visual distinction with iu. This final is rendered more inconsistently in Kan-on than perhaps any other, sometimes even as /uu/ or /ou/, but these two variations are less frequent. The bare u marks that this final always triggers dentilabialization.
  • The finals written un and ut in this notation are are usually reconstructed by scholars with a back and/or rounded vowel like [u]. They are usually rendered with -o instead of -u in earlier Japanese borrowings. These were considered good rhymes with the finals written here in it, also without the macron. The bare u marks that these finals always trigger dentilabialization.
  • All the finals written with macron ū in this notation exhibit vowel alternation in Kan-on. Like other finals written with U, they trigger dentilabialization, but not with initial m.
    • The final (i)ū is usually reconstructed by scholars as a diphthong with some element of backness and roundedness, like [ɨu], [iu], or [iw]. The leading /i/ in on'yomi consistently disappears after labial consonants p b m, so they are accordingly not written in these places. Like the (y)u finals, the vowel in these finals can be rendered unpredictably in Kan-on. In the syllable , the vowel becomes /o/ in on'yomi, but it is written with U here to keep it visually distinct from mou.
    • The finals (i)ūng (y)ūk are usually reconstructed by scholars with some element of frontness combined with some element of roundedness, such as [ɨuŋ], [iuŋ], or [iwŋ]. The leading /i/ and /j/ in on'yomi consistently disappear after labial consonants p b m, so they are accordingly not written in these places. In the syllables mūng mūk, the vowel becomes /o/ i on'yomi, but it is written with U here to keep it visually distinct from mōng and mōk.
    • The finals yūn and yūt are in alternation with wīn and wīt respectively. These two finals are usually reconstructed by scholars with some element of frontness combined with some element of roundedness, as in [iuɪn] or [win], and in later stages of Middle Chinese, they involved a simple vowel that was simultaneously fronted and rounded, as in [yn].

Summary of diacritics used in this notation

We don't know exactly how many vowel sounds there were in Middle Chinese, but there were certainly more than five. So this notation makes heavy use of diacritic marks to represent vowel distinctions that were not recorded in the Kan-on tradition. As this isn't a precise phonetic notation, these diacritic marks are applied in a way that is to some extent arbitrary. But there are some general principles that are worth noting.

The four rows of the rime tables

I briefly mentioned above that one of the foundational sources for Middle Chinese phonology is something called the "rime tables". These tables were basically a tool used for looking up words' pronunciations, much like you might use a dictionary for today. But instead of writing out pronunciations in phonetic symbols somehow, the compilers of these tables invented a sophisticated grid system. They took every Chinese syllable they could think of, and chose one representative character for each. Then, they arranged these characters on a series of grids, grouping similar-sounding characters close together. It was a complex system, much more complex than you'll find in dictionaries today, but it was an ingenious system for the time. It made it possible for any Chinese speaker at the time to easily look up character readings, without having to learn any new writing system.

A page from the Yunjing rime tables

Of course, for us moderns, the principles behind this grid system are not always clear. We know that the 23 columns of each grid corresponded to characters' initial consonants. But the four rows in this grid system are perhaps the biggest mystery of Middle Chinese phonology. Scholars agree that they relate simultaneously to the initial consonants and the vowels of the various syllables in the rime tables. But beyond that, there's endless controversy around these rows. Where two scholars differ greatly in their reconstructions of a given syllable, it usually boils down to a difference in how they interpret the four rows.

The four rows of the rime tables feature in this notation in a few different ways, including the usage of diacritic marks.

  • The underdot ◌̣ always shows up in syllables placed in the second row.
  • The acute accent ◌́ and circumflex ◌̂ only show up in syllables placed in the third row.
  • The grave accent ◌̀ and the bare letter E only show up in syllables placed in the fourth row.

There are many more ways that the various symbols in this notation relate to the four rows. But which row a syllable belongs to is not as important as another kind of grouping based on the rime tables, which is intimately connected to the four rows.

Marks of the "Four Divisions" of the rime tables

Modern-day scholars studying the rime tables found some patterns relating to these four rows. Using these patterns, they grouped all the syllables of Middle Chinese into four categories, usually called the "Four Divisions" in English. (Confusingly, the four rows of the rime tables are also sometimes called divisions, but I will refer to them distinctly as "rows" and "Divisions" here.)

The details of these Four Divisions are complicated, but what's important to know is that two syllables belonging to the same Division probably had similar vowel sounds. Likewise, two syllables belonging to different Divisions probably had different vowel sounds. More is said on the possible phonetic features of these Four Divisions in the individual "finals" sections above.

Here is a summary of all the characteristic marks of the Four Divisions in this notation. Where a cell is greyed out, that means there are no syllables with that main vowel for that Division.

main vowel in Kan-onDiv. IDiv. IIDiv. IIIDiv. IV
/a/default◌̣y- ◌̇ ◌̂
/e/◌̇default
/i/invariant
/o/defaulty- ◌̂
/u/invariant

As you can see, there are some features of the Four Divisions that are clearly manifest in the Kan-on vowel. For instance, syllables containing /j/ a Y- sound in Kan-on, or one of the main vowels /i/ /u/, are invariably in Division III. Therefore, these syllables don't need a diacritic mark to distinguish them as such.

Marks of Kan-on/Go-on vowel alternation

Earlier, we saw that the character 家 kạ has the on'yomika. This reading shows up in common words like 家族 kazoku "family". But there is another common reading ケ ke which predates カ ka, for example in the word 家来 kerai "servant". The readings belonging to this older set are called Go-on.

Go-on originate from a wave of borrowings into Japanese that happened early on in the Middle Chinese period. The Go-on readings were largely replaced by the Kan-on which form the basis for the vowels in this notation. Not all characters have an attested Go-on reading, but some Go-on readings are used in very common words, and are even more commonly used than their Kan-on counterparts in some cases.

As a Japanese learner, you don't need to know how to identify Kan-on vs. Go-on readings. This distinction is something that many Japanese speakers today are not aware of. However, when the Kan-on and Go-on readings of a character differ, you can often predict this variation by looking at the vowel in this Middle Chinese notation. For example:

vowelKan-onGo-on (most frequent first)
a ạ̊/a//a/ /o/
ā/a//a/ (no variation)
ạ̈/a//e/ /a/
â/a//o/ /a/ /e/
ė e/e//e/ /a/
ê/e//o/ /a/ /e/
i/i//o/ /i/
ï î/i//i/ /e/
ī/i//i/ /o/

There are even more patterns than these. This table is here not for you to memorize, but to illustrate a point: whenever you encounter a kanji whose on'yomi has a variable vowel sound, you can take a look at the kanji's Middle Chinese reading, and you can reasonably guess that other kanji with a similar-looking Middle Chinese reading just might exhibit the same kind of vowel alternation.

Most of the above diacritics serve other functions besides marking Kan-on/Go-on vowel alternations. You'll notice that many of the vowels above double as marks of the Four Divisions. For instance, with underdot is a characteristic mark of Division II, and â with circumflex is a characteristic mark of Division III. The circumflex doubles as a mark of dentilabialization on preceding labial consonants p b m.

Marks of vowel alternation within Kan-on

Sometimes, one Middle Chinese final is rendered in a couple different ways in Kan-on. For example, the characters 筠 and 春 both probably had the exact same final at early stages of Middle Chinese, but in Kan-on, they are rendered with different vowels as 筠 win and 春 syun. This might be because, at the time of borrowing, the original Chinese vowel had split into two different vowels, or it may have been that the compilers of Kan-on just interpreted the vowel differently in these different instances. In any case, this sort of vowel alternation is sometimes incorporated into this notation. When this happens, the vowels subject to alternation are usually marked with some kind of diacritic—in the case of our example, the macron is used, giving 筠 wīn and 春 tśʻyūn.

Here are all the patterns of Kan-on vowel alternation that were incorporated into this notation.

vowelstraditional final categoryexamples
ū東(三)tiūngpūng
ū 屋(三)ṣyūkpūkʾwīk
眞(合口)/諄tśyūnkẁīn
質(合口)/術źyūtkẁīt

支(合口)ʾwïtṣʻuï
脂(合口)kwītuī
â元(合口)ngwênbân
月(合口)ngwêtbât
ō
o wo
東(一)tōngʾwōng
屋(一)kōkʾwōk
moʾwo
u yungusyu
ô ŷobôngtśŷong
â ŷa陽(合口)mângwânggŷang
ŷŏwĭkkhŷŏk

Why not Baxter's transcription?

Above, I touched my major reasons for using a notation like this instead of scholarly reconstructions of Chinese. But if you've already come across discussions about Chinese historical phonology before, you may be wondering why I didn't just use one of the existing notations for Middle Chinese.

Eventually, I'd like to publish a more detailed description of this system, one which goes into more depth about the motivations behind it, and the various design decisions that were made, including detailed comparisons with other systems. For now, I'll just talk about the one Middle Chinese transcription system that's most widely used today, the notation developed by William Baxter.

Baxter's transcription: a misleading design

Baxter's transcription was first published alongside a full-on reconstruction of the Old Chinese sound system. It's used not only in linguistics circles, but even in works like Kroll's Student's Dictionary of Medieval Chinese, and Cai's How to Read Chinese Poetry. Its big advantages are:

  1. It's "typeable", in a modified form. (This was crucial in 1992 when the system was first created, but in the era of Unicode, it's less important now. Plus, it's even possible to publish nifty tools for transcribing Middle Chinese sounds for cheap.)
  2. It's not a phonemic or phonetic reconstruction at all. It's a transcription of data from the rhyme dictionaries and rime tables; a representation of abstract categories assigned to Middle Chinese syllables based on their entries in the Qieyun and the rime tables.

I owe Baxter the idea of a transcription for Middle Chinese. I clearly think there's huge value in a system like his that lets us refer to Middle Chinese syllables without assigning exact sounds. But I'm highly dissatisfied with Baxter's choice of symbols. His design works actively against one of his stated intentions, which was to convey these abstract categories to non-specialists.

The problem is that, while Baxter's transcription technically does not denote particular sounds, it certainly connotes them, and Baxter failed to realize just how important those connotations are. When these abstract categories are represented using letters borrowed from the International Phonetic Alphabet, users can't help but associate them with concrete sounds. These concrete associations are in constant conflict with the underlying message. In short, it's a misleading design.

You might not consider this to be a design problem. You might think it should be fine as long as you warn folks not to mistake Baxter's transcription for a phonetic or phonological analysis. To his credit, Cai does so in How to Read Chinese Poetry (in fact, Cai gives Baxter the space to do so himself). But how many readers will actually direct their eyes to the footnotes where these warnings are relegated, and then heed them, let alone understand them? The very concept of an alphabetic transcription of abstract phonological categories will always be too abstract to mean anything to the uninitiated.

And it's not just non-specialists who have been confused about Baxter's intentions. In A Student's Dictionary of Medieval Chinese, the eminent scholar of medieval Chinese literature Kroll actually explicitly calls Baxter's notation a reconstruction, and touts it as a widely accepted one. Even Edwin Pulleyblank was confused—one of the most famous scholars in the exact same subfield Baxter works in, who Baxter cites constantly in his own work. He criticized Baxter's notation on the grounds that it expresses distinctions between syllables without commiting to exact phonetic values—which is exactly what Baxter meant for it to do. When you create a tool such as this notation, and even the most capable users misunderstand its purpose, you're faced with a choice. You can either blame the user for not just reading the manual, or you can admit that there is, after all, a design problem here.

This problem is essentially one that Baxter's notation shares with all actual reconstructions of Middle Chinese: the selection of symbols is largely arbitrary. In the case of actual phonetic reconstructions, this is inescapable; there are so many grey areas in these reconstructions, yet you've got to choose some particular symbols if you're going to put your ideas to paper. But at least in an actual reconstruction, that arbitrariness in symbol choice is mitigated by a strong guiding principle: the reconstructor's motivation to put forth a clear, internally consistent argument about the sounds of the language. Since Baxter had no such argument to make, he thought it right to dispense with any strong guiding principle. But a good design just can't do without one, as the examples above have made clear.

I hope to have improved on Baxter's notation by reintroducing a mitigating force against the arbitrariness of my symbol choices, in the form of that guiding principle behind my vowel choices. This may not guard against users' mistaking my intentions, but in the event that they do, they will be better off than users of Baxter's system. We can use the lower level of abstraction built into the design to correct their understanding.

Let me explain what I mean by this.

Improving on Baxter's notation by lowering the level of abstraction

Say you were to come across user of Baxter's notation, maybe someone who's been using Kroll's dictionary for a while. They've made a comment that reveals they've mistaken Baxter's transcription for a reconstruction. Over the past few weeks or months they've already started internalizing the symbols of his notation in terms of discrete consonants, medials, vowels, diphthongs. If you wanted to correct this person's understanding, what could you possibly say to them?

The simplest, most concise non-technical explanation you could offer would be along the lines of, "Actually, these symbols don't correspond consistently to any sounds in particular." But would that satisfy someone who, up till now, imagined these symbols were providing them with a concrete depiction of Middle Chinese pronunciation? If the letters in kaewk and mjie and pjuwng don't represent particular sounds, they'll wonder, then what exactly do they represent? Unfortunately, there is no concise, simple answer to that question. Therefore the time they've invested in Baxter's system won't provide any payoff until they've wrapped their head around the basics of the Qieyun system. And remember—this notation is meant to be accessible to non-specialists.

On the other hand, if a user of my system mistakes the symbols for a reconstruction, I can correct their understanding in an instant with a simple rule-of-thumb explanation that "the vowels are based on the Japanese on'yomi pronunciation, and the diacritics distinguish different rhymes". This answer leaves out the finer details, but at the level of detail on which it operates, it is easy to understand. They will still need to learn the Qieyun system to fully understand what they're looking at, but the on'yomi principle provides a different level on which to understand the notation. It's a lower level of abstraction to work with before learning the Qieyun system—should they ever choose to put in the requisite time to do so.

The 206 rhymes of the Guangyun transcribed

For those with prior knowledge of historical Chinese phonology, here is a reference table of the 206 rhymes of the Guangyun in the notation system used in Kanjisense. This is so that you may see at a glance how the various rhymes or finals are represented in this notation system. Each character in the table serves as a section header in the Guangyun dictionary (with the exception of the two characters in grey, which were placed with other sections for space reasons). Each row contains characters whose finals may be said to differ only in tone. As is tradition, characters with final stop consonants (in the so-called "entering tone") are grouped with characters ending in nasal consonants.

Some Guangyun rhymes are represented in this notation with a variety of forms. These cases notation, are marked with a note, including an example character and the nature of the divergence.

tōng
tōngˬ
sōngˎ
ʾwōk
variations in this group: ʾwōng (with initial 影) tiūng (三等) pūng (三等, labial initials) ṣyūk (入聲, with 三等 and 二等 sibilants) nźwīk (入聲三等) pūk (入聲, labial initials) ẁīk

tong
tongˬ
songˎ
ʾok

tśŷong
tśŷongˬ
ŷongˎ
tśŷok
variations in this group: pông (labial initials)

kạ̊ng
kạ̊ngˬ
kạ̊ngˎ
kạ̊k

tśï
tśïˬ
tśïˎ
variations in this group: gyï (重紐四等) ngwï (合口) khẁï (重紐四等合口) tśʻuï (合口, 漢音 vowel alternation)

tśī
tśīˬ
tśīˎ
variations in this group: ʾyī (重紐四等) kwī (合口) gẁī (重紐四等合口) tuī (合口, 漢音 vowel alternation)

tśi
tśiˬ
tśiˎ

mîˬ
mîˎ
variations in this group: khwî (合口)

ngyo
ngyoˬ
ngyoˎ

ngu
nguˬ
nguˎ
variations in this group: syu (漢音 vowel alternation)

mo
moˬ
moˎ
variations in this group: ʾwo (with initial 影)

dzei
dzeiˬ
tseiˎ
variations in this group: kwei (合口)

tsėiˎ
variations in this group: ngyeiˎ (重紐四等) swėiˎ (合口) ẁeiˎ (initial 以)

tʻāiˎ
variations in this group: ghwāiˎ (合口)

kạ̈
ghạ̈ˬ
kwạ̈ˎ
variations in this group: kwạ̈ (合口)

kạ̈i
ghạ̈iˬ
kwạ̈iˎ
variations in this group: kwạ̈i (合口)

kwạiˎ
variations in this group: tʻạiˎ (開口)

khwai
khwaiˬ
dwaiˎ

khai
khaiˬ
daiˎ

pâiˎ

tśīn
tśīnˬ
tśīnˎ
tśīt
variations in this group: ʾyīn (重紐四等) wīn (合口)

tśyūn
tśyūnˬ
tśyūnˎ
źyūt
variations in this group: kẁīn (重紐四等)

tsịn
tsịt

mun
munˬ
munˎ
mut

khin
ʾinˬ
khinˎ
khit

ngwên
ngwênˬ
ngwênˎ
ngwêt
variations in this group: ngên (開口) pʻân (labial initials)

sen
senˬ
senˎ
set
variations in this group: ʾwen (合口)

sėn
sėnˬ
sėnˎ
sėt
variations in this group: pʻyen (重紐四等) dzwėn (合口) ʾẁen (重紐四等合口)

ghwon
ghwonˬ
ghwonˎ
mwot

ghon
ghonˬ
ghonˎ
ghot

ghan
ghanˬ
ghan
ghat

ghwan
ghwanˬ
ghwanˎ
mat

sạn
sạnˬ
kạnˎ
ghạt
variations in this group: dzwạnˬ (合口)

sạ̈n
sạ̈nˬ
kạ̈nˎ
ghạ̈t

seu
seuˬ
seuˎ

sėu
sėuˬ
sėuˎ
variations in this group: ʾyeu (重紐四等)

ghạu
kʻạuˬ
ghạuˎ

ghau
ghauˬ
ghauˎ

ka
kaˬ
kaˎ

kwa
kwaˬ
kwa
variations in this group: khwȧ (三等合口) gya (三等開口)

mạ
mạˬ
mạˎ
variations in this group: tśyạ (三等) kwạ (合口)

yang
yangˬ
yangˎ
yak
variations in this group: bâng (labial and retroflex sibilant initials) wâng (initial from 影云以) gŷang (合口)

dang
dangˬ
dangˎ
dak
variations in this group: khwang (合口)

kạng
kạngˬ
ʾẹngˎ
mạk
variations in this group: khwạng (合口) mẹng (三等) khwẹng (三等合口)

kạ̈ng
kạ̈ngˬ
tsạ̈ngˎ
mạ̈k
variations in this group: ghwạ̈ng (合口)

tsʻėng
dzėngˬ
kyengˎ
sėk
variations in this group: myeng (重紐四等) swėng (合口) kẁeng (重紐四等合口)

tsʻeng
ghwengˬ
kengˎ
sek
variations in this group: ghweng (合口)

tśyŏng
tśyŏngˬ
tśyŏngˎ
tśyŏk
variations in this group: khŷŏk wĭk

tŏng
tŏngˬ
tŏngˎ
tŏk
variations in this group: ghwŏng (合口)

iūˬ
iūˎ
variations in this group: (漢音 vowel alternation)

ghou
ghouˬ
ghouˎ

ʾiu
ʾiuˬ
ʾiuˎ

tsʻim
tsʻimˬ
tsʻimˎ
tsʻip
variations in this group: ʾyim (重紐四等)

dam
kamˬ
kʻamˎ
ghap

dām
kāmˬ
kʻāmˎ
ghāp

yem
yemˬ
yemˎ
yep
variations in this group: lėm (三等)

tʻem
tʻemˬ
tʻemˎ
tʻep

ghạ̈m
ghạ̈mˬ
ghạ̈mˎ
ghạ̈p

ghạm
ghạmˬ
kạmˎ
ghạp

ngêm
ngêmˬ
ngêmˎ
ngêp

bâm
bâmˬ
bâmˎ
bâp

References

For general information on the traditional initial/final categories, the source texts of Middle Chinese phonology, the reconstructed Middle Chinese of Pan Wuyun, and Old Chinese reconstructions:

  • Shen, Zhongwei. (2020). A Phonological History of Chinese. Cambridge University Press.

The cited reconstructed forms of initials and finals were chosen to show variety, and were not intended as an endorsement of specific reconstructions. Besides those forms taken from Pan Wuyun, some were taken Bernhard Karlgren's and Zhengzhang Shangfeng's reconstructions via Wiktionary and the Qieyun Autoderiver, as well as the sources below:

  • Coblin, W. S. (1994). A Compendium of Phonetics in Northwest Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, 7.
  • http://www.jstor.org/stable/23825696
  • Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1991). Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin. UBC Press.
  • Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1984). Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology. UBC Press.

For descriptions of Middle Chinese tones:

  • Mei, Tsu-Lin. (1970). Tones and Prosody in Middle Chinese and The Origin of The Rising Tone. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30, 86–110.

For the characterization of Korean "voiced" sounds:

For reconstructed Japanese sounds:

  • Frellesvig, B. (2010). A History of the Japanese Language. Cambridge University Press.

The correspondences between Middle Chinese finals and on'yomi were taken from this document, which draws from the dictionaries 五十音引き漢和辞典 and 全訳 漢辞海 from Sanseido. In some cases, 全訳 漢辞海 was consulted directly.

For inspiration, and information on historical Chinese rhyming practices: